kibbutzim

2024-04-28

Ilan Kfir, a renowned Israeli military writer, has published a captivating and detailed account of the events leading up to October 7. His Hebrew book, titled Gaza Division Conquered, describes in minute detail the colossal disaster in which the Gaza border barrier collapsed and thousands of terrorists overran the Gaza Division and invaded the surrounding kibbutzim. Thousands of Israelis hid in shelters crying for help, which was very late in coming. Hundreds were butchered, and an unfathomable 253 men, women, and children were kidnapped by Hamas. Israeli society had not experienced an invasion and mass captivity since the Yom Kippur War. The Israeli leadership did not heed the warning signs in 1973 or in 2023. In Israel, the word “concept” will always have a negative connotation. It led to the biggest intelligence failure on October 6, 1973. And 50 years later, on , it led to an even bigger fiasco. Yahya Sinwar, Hamas’s leader, perfected the devious tactics he had developed during his 22 years in Israeli prison. Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and his government were convinced that he was deterred from military confrontation. The strategy Netanyahu chose was to rehabilitate Gaza with the help of suitcases filled with cash from Qatar. It was based on the assumption that strengthening Hamas would weaken the Palestinian Authority and its aspirations for a Palestinian state. The hundreds of millions of dollars from Qatar enabled Hamas to accumulate a huge arsenal of weapons. Kfir lists a series of grave mistakes made by Netanyahu (“Mr. Security,” as he called himself). In 1997, against his defense minister’s advice, he ordered the (failed) assassination attempt in Jordan of , which forced him to release Hamas founder Sheikh Ahmed Yassin. In October 2011, again against the advice of top intelligence officers, Netanyahu released 1,026 prisoners, many with “blood on their hands,” including Sinwar, in exchange for one Israeli soldier, Gilad Schalit, captured by Hamas five and a half years earlier. Kfir attributes the exorbitant price Netanyahu paid to the civil demonstrations against the high cost of living, which endangered his government. Many of the released prisoners went on to commit more terror attacks in which numerous Israelis were killed. Ilan Kfir: Sinwar was happy that Netanyahu replaced BennettAccording to Kfir, Sinwar was happy to see Netanyahu back in power after Naftali Bennett’s short and aggressive tenure as prime minister in 2021. Sinwar identified Netanyahu’s weakness and even wrote him a letter asking him to “take a risk,” which he did – a big one. While talking publicly about rehabilitating Gaza, Sinwar was busy building a monstrous war machine and hundred of kilometers of underground tunnels. When [Shin Bet officials] Yoram Cohen and Nadav Argaman presented plans to eliminate Sinwar while he was still above ground, Netanyahu vetoed them.For years, Israel responded to missile attacks from Gaza with brief military incursions, at the end of each declaring that Hamas had been deterred. Fast forward to September 2023. Hamas used diversion tactics at the border fence in order to hide bombs which the in the Gaza Division had warned about for months. The military and civil leadership put their trust in the technological barrier rather than human intelligence in Gaza. The name that Hamas gave to the attack on October 7 – Al-Aqsa Flood – was an apt description. Two thousand Nukhba terrorists crossed the border, followed by a murderous, looting mob from Gaza. The Hamas terrorists had accumulated detailed intelligence about the kibbutzim at the border. According to Kfir, their original plan was to carry out suicide attacks in Tel Aviv and even reach the Knesset in Jerusalem. Ilan Kfir (credit: MAARIV)Kfir’s depiction of the conquest of the Gaza Division makes for very painful reading. He depicts from a personal standpoint the invasion of the kibbutzim and the murder and capture of so many innocent civilians who cried in vain for help. He goes on to detail the heroic stories of the insufficiently armed few from Kibbutz Be’eri, Nahal Oz, Ofakim, and Sderot against the flood of terrorists with ample ammunition. He tells the stories of civilians and organizations that stepped up to fill the vacuum where no army or government assistance was in sight, such as retired generals Israel Ziv, Yair Golan, and Noam Tibon, who drove their cars to save as many people as they could. For many hours, the army was nowhere to be seen.Kfir goes on to list the military accomplishments and heroic fighting in Gaza of regular soldiers and reserve officers. However, the biggest danger now, he says, is that those tactical and hard-won victories of the IDF could evaporate due to the current leadership’s refusal to present a strategy for “the day after.” All the top military leaders are now plagued with guilt over October 7, and many accepted responsibility even before a formal investigation was launched. To date, Kfir says, Israel’s longest-serving prime minister has not assumed any responsibility for the fiasco of October 7. Kfir also criticizes Netanyahu’s lack of gratitude to US President Joe Biden, Israel’s staunchest supporter, and his confrontational attitude toward the US. The 81-year-old author is convinced that for his own political survival motives, Netanyahu is prolonging the war and the return of the captives. He puts the blame for October 7 first and foremost on Netanyahu’s shoulders, contending that the prime minister is holding the country hostage.Gaza Division Conquered is a must-read book because it casts light not only on tragic leadership failures but also serves as a warning for what awaits us in the much larger conflict looming in the North.■ According to Kfir, Sinwar was happy to see Netanyahu back in power after Naftali Bennett’s short and aggressive tenure as prime minister in 2021. Sinwar identified Netanyahu’s weakness and even wrote him a letter asking him to “take a risk,” which he did – a big one. While talking publicly about rehabilitating Gaza, Sinwar was busy building a monstrous war machine and hundred of kilometers of underground tunnels. When [Shin Bet officials] Yoram Cohen and Nadav Argaman presented plans to eliminate Sinwar while he was still above ground, Netanyahu vetoed them. For years, Israel responded to missile attacks from Gaza with brief military incursions, at the end of each declaring that Hamas had been deterred. Fast forward to September 2023. Hamas used diversion tactics at the border fence in order to hide bombs which the in the Gaza Division had warned about for months. The military and civil leadership put their trust in the technological barrier rather than human intelligence in Gaza. The name that Hamas gave to the attack on October 7 – Al-Aqsa Flood – was an apt description. Two thousand Nukhba terrorists crossed the border, followed by a murderous, looting mob from Gaza. The Hamas terrorists had accumulated detailed intelligence about the kibbutzim at the border. According to Kfir, their original plan was to carry out suicide attacks in Tel Aviv and even reach the Knesset in Jerusalem. Ilan Kfir (credit: MAARIV) Kfir’s depiction of the conquest of the Gaza Division makes for very painful reading. He depicts from a personal standpoint the invasion of the kibbutzim and the murder and capture of so many innocent civilians who cried in vain for help. He goes on to detail the heroic stories of the insufficiently armed few from Kibbutz Be’eri, Nahal Oz, Ofakim, and Sderot against the flood of terrorists with ample ammunition. He tells the stories of civilians and organizations that stepped up to fill the vacuum where no army or government assistance was in sight, such as retired generals Israel Ziv, Yair Golan, and Noam Tibon, who drove their cars to save as many people as they could. For many hours, the army was nowhere to be seen. Kfir goes on to list the military accomplishments and heroic fighting in Gaza of regular soldiers and reserve officers. However, the biggest danger now, he says, is that those tactical and hard-won victories of the IDF could evaporate due to the current leadership’s refusal to present a strategy for “the day after.”  All the top military leaders are now plagued with guilt over October 7, and many accepted responsibility even before a formal investigation was launched. To date, Kfir says, Israel’s longest-serving prime minister has not assumed any responsibility for the fiasco of October 7. Kfir also criticizes Netanyahu’s lack of gratitude to US President Joe Biden, Israel’s staunchest supporter, and his confrontational attitude toward the US. The 81-year-old author is convinced that for his own political survival motives, Netanyahu is prolonging the war and the return of the captives. He puts the blame for October 7 first and foremost on Netanyahu’s shoulders, contending that the prime minister is holding the country hostage. Gaza Division Conquered is a must-read book because it casts light not only on tragic leadership failures but also serves as a warning for what awaits us in the much larger conflict looming in the North.■ ...قراءة المزيد

الكلمات المفتاحية المذكورة في المقال:

2024-04-28

Sexual violence was a central part of the massacre and hostage-taking attack that and while many women’s organizations stayed silent or made weakly worded statements about it, there are still those who deny that it took place altogether. This inspired former Facebook COO and author Sheryl Sandberg to make the compelling and important documentary, Screams Before Silence, which is . “It’s really difficult to talk about it, but . . . it’s my duty to come out and talk,” said Amit Soussana, one of the interviewees in the film. Soussana, who has also spoken about her ordeal to The New York Times, was kidnapped from her home in Israel and held hostage for nearly two months days. She speaks in detail in the film about the at gunpoint. While other sexual assault victims have not spoken publicly using their names, there are many witnesses and first responders who speak in the film, as well as video evidence of sexual assaults. But the tragic truth, as this documentary makes crystal clear, is that the major reason few of the victims have come forward is that the vast majority were murdered following, and sometimes during, their assaults. Sandberg visited Israel to make this film, which was directed by Anat Stalinsky and which in which Sandberg conducts the interviews, so that she could “let those silenced voices be heard.” Screams before Silence pic 2 (28/4/2024) (credit: KASTINA COMMUNICATIONS) Sandberg and the filmmakers put the sexual assaults into context by outlining the scope of the October 7 attack, with first responders and survivors of the massacre who witnessed rapes detailing the vast, coordinated nature of the attacks on residents of kibbutzim near the Gaza border and those attending and working at the Nova Music Festival. About 1200 people from Israel were around the world were murdered on October 7 and about 250 were taken hostage, 134 of whom are still being held in Gaza. Out of respect for the victims and their families, the film does not contain any explicit images. But it does feature graphic descriptions of sexual violence, some of which will be quoted here, so those who prefer not to read these descriptions should stop reading now. However, I would suggest that out of respect for the women who suffered these horrors, the least most of us can do is to read about them. It's worth noting that while the , the UN’s office of sexual violence in conflict released a report in March that said it found “reasonable grounds to believe” that such assaults had been perpetrated by Hamas terrorists, and anyone who sees this documentary is likely to be convinced as well by the horrifying accounts of those who  survived the massacre and those who were first on the scene.  Mirit Ben Mayor, Chief Superintendent, Israel Police, is interviewed in the film and said that the police have “over 200,000 visuals and over 2,000 testimonies we have collected . . . which show substantial evidence of sexual violence.” Among those who are interviewed in the film is Tali Binner, who was at the music festival and survived by hiding in a trailer. She told Sandberg, “I started to hear the yelling of women. I heard a girl that started to yell for a long time. It was like, ‘Please don’t! No, no, stop, stop, stop, stop!’ ... She was asking someone to stop? What can they stop?. . . So, when I hear ... someone scream and then silence, I knew that it’s probably someone got shot. But when you hear this chaos for like 20 minutes or 15 minutes, you understand that something much worse is happening right over there. ” All around the trailer, “There were so many noises of women, of different women, not only one. I also heard a couple, she didn’t say words. Like she was just screaming, and he begged for someone to leave her [alone].” Asked by Sandberg how the screaming ended in these cases, Binner replied, “They got shot. And then silence.” Elad Avraham, a security supervisor of Nova described seeing bodies of people to whom “inhumane” things had been done and described seeing many women with their clothes torn and their legs spread, as well as seeing obvious signs that they had been tortured and mutilated. “You see the body of a girl with her clothes torn and body parts mutilated and ripped off. So you say to yourself, ‘They raped her, slaughtered her, and also mutilated her. What more can they do to a person?’” Certainly, anyone who would deny these abuses by Hamas might want to look at some of the videos that Hamas terrorists posted to their own social media, which are shown in this film. These include the infamous clips of Shani Louk, who was murdered at the music festival, whose body is shown in a truck with men spitting on her, and Naama Levy, one of the IDF border observers, who can be seen being pulled out of the back of a jeep by her hair, with blood in her groin area. Her mother, Dr. Ayelet Levy Shachar, said, “The first thing you see is the terrorist drags Naama out and her face looks terrified. She’s barefoot and in her pajamas and they’re bloodstained. They’re grabbing her by the hair and she’s all messed up. And I’m thinking of her hair and like, in my mind, I’m stroking her hair like I’m always doing. And I’m thinking of what she experienced, you know, until that point. And how long was she --- “ she said, breaking off. “You know, maybe that’s the thing with that video, that we would like to think that this couldn’t be possible. That nobody would harm a young girl. But then you just see it there. They’re the one who posted that video, the Hamas.” First responders at the massacre sites showed Sandberg photos of many women who had nails and metal objects driven into their groins and were who were shot in the vagina, as well as of a woman whose foot had been cut off and a woman who had been stabbed in her vagina and had her organs cut out. While we see Sandberg’s responses to these images, the images themselves are not shown in the film. Simcha Greiniman, a volunteer for ZAKA, the Israeli community emergency response organization, who was one of the first responders at the massacre sites, explained that although they are trained to collect body parts, “I don’t have the words to explain what we saw.” Rami Davidian, a volunteer who rescued many from the massacre sites, said he saw dozens of naked women tied to trees, whose bodies showed signs of having been raped and mutilated before they were murdered. We see a clip of the eyewitness who describes terrorists gang raping a naked woman and then saw one cut off her breast: “He cuts off her breast and throws it on the road and they play with it.” It becomes clear that there was a pattern and a plan behind the sexual assaults. Haim Otmagazin, another ZAKA volunteer said, “When you see one woman and another and another all with signs of abuse in the groin area, you understand that this wasn’t a random thing.”   Shari Mendes, IDF reservist at military morgue, on the Shura base described rooms that were filled from floor to ceiling with body bags. “And we never knew what we would see, what the level of the atrocity would be inside the body bag.” Women were shot in the face so many times, “it seemed like there was an objective to obliterate their faces.” Families could not be shown the faces of their murdered daughters and there was “directly targeted sexual violence.” Female bodies were naked, or clad in underwear covered in blood. “It did seem systematic, to use sexual violence as a weapon of war.” Prof. Ruth Halperin-Kaddari, former vice president of the UN Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination Against Women said the evidence “depicts a pattern that could not have been unless it was premeditated and preconceived by Hamas themselves. . . Using sexual violence as a tool of war . . . sadly is as old as the history of humanity, because when the body of the woman is violated, it symbolizes the body of the whole nation.” Cochav Elkayam Levy, head of the Civil Commission on October 7 Crimes against Women and Children said, “It’s sexual abuse in its worst form. They wanted to inflict abuse in the cruelest manner possible. I think they have redefined evil and in ways that we will even need to redefine international criminal law.” Ben Mayor noted, “They were sent with clear instructions, to kidnap as many, to rape as many, to humiliate as many to murder as many [as they could]. They came here with a mission and they succeeded in the mission.” Prof. Itai Pessach, head of the medical team caring for the returned hostages, said after treating the released hostages, his staff was preparing for the possibility of pregnancies as a result of rapes. Until recently, Binner had not talked about what she saw, but she told Sandberg, “I decided to talk about it only after I heard that people are denying that sexual violence took place. “I decided that I need to talk about it.” Soussana described how one of her captors forced her into sex, punching her and holding a gun to her forehead. “I remember telling myself, OK, you can handle this . . .You just need to survive  . . .I just concentrated on that instead of what’s really going on.” She describes the horror of being completely dependent on her rapist for everything, including food and water. After her release, she considered not telling anyone about the sexual abuse she had suffered. “I felt guilty, I felt disgusted with myself, even though I had no choice. It’s really difficult to talk about it.” But after she spoke to a female doctor, she said, she felt that, “It made it better” to speak about what she had endured. “Now, I want to shout and talk to the world and let them know what’s going on there. If I can help the people who are still there, I want to.” Sandberg said at the end that, “This is the most important work of my life and maybe everything I’ve done has led to this moment. . . Rape is never acceptable.” By letting the victims and witnesses tell their stories, Sandberg said she hoped, “We can take the pain and trauma and turn it into hope, turn it into commitment, turn it into conviction that we are not going to let this happen again.” Agam Goldstein Almog, a hostage who was kidnapped from Kfar Aza and who was released after 55 days in Hamas captivity, recalled that about half of the women hostages she met when she was held captive had been sexually assaulted. “And they’re still there and they’re still living with their rapists,” she said. ...قراءة المزيد

الكلمات المفتاحية المذكورة في المقال:

2024-04-03

brought 130 Jewish mothers to visit Israel in a trip designed to help them understand the gravity of Hamas’s October 7 attacks, help them connect to their Jewish values and to the state, the organization announced on Tuesday. has collectively transported more than 200 participants in three different solidarity trips, before this one, since October 7. However, the latest trip is the first time the organization has brought women from outside of the United States, with 7 out of every 10 participants taking part for the first time in a Momentum trip.  The current hailed from North, Central and South America from countries including: the United States, Canada, Columbia, Chile, Panama, Argentina, Mexico, Uruguay and Israel. While the trip still maintains the goals of connecting participants to Judaism and Israel, in the wake of October 7, Momentum has placed a greater emphasis on volunteerism and hearing first-hand accounts from soldiers, evacuees and October 7 massacre survivors. Participants met with the families of the hostages in Tel Aviv’s Kikar HaChatufim (Hostages Square) and volunteered at a farm. The group also made chocolates for evacuated families.A group shot of the Momentum Mother to Mother mission. (credit: AVIRAM VALDMAN) Additionally, the women prepared meals for IDF soldiers, and visited Sderot and kibbutzim on Israel’s southern border, where they witnessed what remains of the October 7 massacre.   “The mothers on this trip saw Israel’s stories from their own eyes and heard them from their own ears and now it's the time to act,” said Momentum Founding Director Lori Palatnik. “We hope every participant takes the call of ‘Hineni’ - to show up - and they each go back to their homes to show up for their Israeli sisters who have suffered so much. It is our hope that they come out of this experience forever changed.”  "The purpose of the mission is to provide opportunities for women in the Diaspora to meaningfully contribute to Israeli society while they’re here and identify with their struggles. After hearing from families of hostages, soldiers, farmers and Israeli mothers we hope our participants will emerge from this experience with a new sense of understanding about what Israelis are going through right now. And, collectively, when the Diaspora and Israel come together, we can demonstrate the power of unity,” Palatnik added. Trip participant Erica Markovitz, from Detroit, said, “I had two friends at the Nova Festival. One of them is still a hostage. I’m here in Israel to bear witness and send a message home and to keep their stories alive.” ...قراءة المزيد

الكلمات المفتاحية المذكورة في المقال:

2024-03-21

‘Terror is the longest war without a name for the people of Israel,” says Ayelet Nahmias-Verbin, Chairperson of The Jewish Agency’s Fund for Victims of Terror. Since its creation in 2002, the Fund, which is funded primarily by The Jewish Agency’s two major partners, the Jewish Federations of North America and Keren Hayesod, has assisted thousands of families of civilians who have been killed, wounded, or suffered trauma in terror attacks by providing emergency grants of NIS 4,000 within 48 hours of an attack, followed by a grant of NIS 25,000 for long-term rehabilitative care over three years. Terror victims often require additional therapy and rehabilitation – both physical and mental – that goes beyond the amounts covered by the government, and the extra amount provided by the Fund enables them to extend and improve their treatment. In addition, the Fund provides respite camps for children for twenty-one days each year during Pesach, Hanukkah, and summer vacation. These camps are designed for youngsters suffering from PTSD (post-traumatic stress disorder) as a result of terror attacks.  On October 7, when Hamas terrorists attacked southern Israel, the three-person team of the Fund was overwhelmed by the vast number of victims who needed to receive assistance.  Since the beginning of the war, the Fund has provided grants to 8,000 families, almost equivalent to the total number of grants that the Fund had provided in the 21 years until that date. By the evening of October 7, the staff decided to minimize the bureaucratic obstacles to ensure that the victims’ families received assistance promptly.  The will of the people to rise from the ashes is nothing short of incredible Mark Wilf, chairman of The Jewish Agency Board of Governors, noted that, “the women of The Jewish Agency’s Fund for Victims of Terror have shown tremendous fortitude and caring professionalism in conducting their overwhelming task these past months. Their tireless dedication is awe-inspiring and has brought solace, in the name of all the Jewish people, to October 7 victims.” The staff of the Fund for Victims of Terror has increased from three to seventeen to handle the pressing needs, which have grown since October 7. The Fund distributed grants immediately to the families of those killed at the Nova music festival and to the families in the kibbutzim in Israel’s south that suffered devastating damage. “The challenge was to be there for them as quickly as possible,” says Nachmias-Verbin. “Of course, that included the families of the hostages, which was a type of terror attack that we have never before experienced.” In addition, the organization will begin distributing grants to some 3,000 families out of the expected 10,000 for the three-year rehabilitation package in the coming two months.  Staff members at the Fund expect that the number of people who will receive grants since the beginning of the war will continue to increase over time as more people will be recognized as victims of terror due to the physical and psychological disabilities caused by the attacks and evacuation of communities. One of the hallmarks of the assistance provided by the Fund is the close relationship that is engendered between those who provide the help and the recipients. “The important thing to understand about the fund,” says Nachmias-Verbin, “is that we work very personally with the victims. Even when you finish your three years in the Fund and use up your eligibility for the rehabilitation resources, my team and my staff are following up on these families, and we know what’s going on with them. In that respect, that makes us very unique, especially considering the fact that the children are eligible for the camps even after the three years are up.” Behind the statistics –  the number of people killed, kidnapped, and bereaved –  are the people and their stories. A number of officials at the Jewish Agency and the Fund for Victims of Terror are themselves connected to the tragic events. Here are the stories, in brief, of several: Yael Raz (left) and Dalia Cusnir (Credit: AVISHAG SHAR YASHUV) Dalia Cusnir: Programs Director at the Jewish Agency. Her brothers-in-law, Eitan and Yair Horan, are being held captive in Gaza by Hamas.  Yael Raz: Director of the Fund for Victims of Terror and Director of the Resilience and Emergency Department at the Jewish Agency  Cusnir is a Jewish Agency employee who worked with Yael Raz, the longtime Director of the Fund for Victims of Terror. On the terrible Shabbat of October 7, Dalia’s life was put on hold when her brothers-in-law, Eitan and Yair, were kidnapped. Since then, she has been doing everything possible to secure their return. Following October 7, Yael immediately contacted Dalia, wanting to help her through this difficult time. More than a decade ago, Yael was part of the struggle to free Gilad Shalit, so she knows how Dalia feels. Now, she must do the same again.  Vered Libstein: Survivor of the massacre at Kibbutz Kfar Aza  Ayelet Nahmias-Verbin: Chairperson of The Jewish Agency’s Fund for Victims of Terror On October 7, Vered Libstein lost those who were closest to her – her mother Bilhah, her son Nitzan, her niece Neta, and her husband Ofir Libstein, who was head of the Sha’ar HaNegev Regional Council. Ofir was killed defending his kibbutz, Kfar Aza. Ofir saw Jewish communities as vital partners in building the country and was a close ally of the Fund for Terror Victims and The Jewish Agency. Ayelet, who serves as Chair of the Fund, was a close friend of Ofir. Immediately following the attacks, Vered and Ayelet met and hugged tightly. They promised to carry on the spirit of Ofir and Nitzan and launched a scholarship to support teens dealing with trauma following October 7. Shirihan Alkalili (right) and Leila Talalka (Credit: AVISHAG SHAAR-YASHUV) Shirihan Alkalili: Coordinator for Arabic-speaking Victims of Terror  Leila Talalka: Mother of Samer al-Talalka Samer was kidnapped and taken to Gaza and accidentally killed by IDF fire, together with the hostages Alon Shamriz and Yotam Haim  The events of October 7 impacted Leila twice: First, when her son Samer was kidnapped to Gaza, and the second time, when he was mistakenly killed by IDF fire 70 days later. Two years ago, Alkalili joined the Fund for Victims of Terror and became a pillar of support for the Arabic-speaking population and terror victims in general. With sensitivity and love, Alkalili is helping Leila and her family cope with the loss that upended their lives and was mourned by the entire State of Israel. With her deep knowledge of the Bedouin community, Shirihan is supporting Leila and her family in their mourning and ensuring they never feel alone.  Nahmias-Verbin expresses her pride in Alkalili’s work on behalf of the Bedouin community, both before October 7 and since that date. “After October 7, we had many families from the Bedouin and Arab communities that we needed to support,” she says. “It was incredible to see what Shirihan has been able to do with these families.” The Fund is working with Araoctb municipalities to observe and follow up on families and their needs.The Fund supports all individuals who have been affected by terror attacks in Israel, including foreign workers and tourists, in addition to Israeli citizens.  One of the hallmarks of the Fund is the close relationship between those who provide the help and the recipients. While she is hard-pressed to find a silver lining amid the cloud of the tragic events of October 7 and its aftermath, Nahmias-Verbin says she is moved to see the commitment from the Jewish communities around the world to the victims and to the Fund. “It reaffirms the incredible connection between Israel and the Jewish communities worldwide. I have spoken to communities around the world almost every day since October 7. It is so important for them to support the Fund and to support the victims of terror. I think that’s one of the things that makes them feel very connected in the Fund. It is direct contact. Their support makes a difference.” The Fund for Victims of Terror is working closely with all organizations on the ground and is attempting to identify and solve challenges that have emerged since the war began, including a dearth of mental health professionals available to treat post-trauma.   Nahmias-Verbin says that while many challenges lay ahead, she is confident that Israelis have a strong will to live and survive. “This is a biblical scale event that we are going through, and the will of the people to rise from the ashes is nothing short of incredible. We know that the challenges are going to be endless, but we will have to find solutions. With the support of the Jewish communities around the world and with our incredible team, I think we will be able to do so much for the victims of terror.” The photos accompanying this article are part of an exhibit, Sisterhood: Women Healing the Fractures of War, showcasing the relationships between women of The Jewish agency’s Fund for Victims of Terror and the women they helped during the war. The exhibit, featuring photos by avishag Shaar-Yashuv, is on display at the zOa House in Tel aviv through april and can be viewed online at This article was written in cooperation with ...قراءة المزيد

الكلمات المفتاحية المذكورة في المقال:

2024-03-15

Hamas has been pushing for increased performance in its intelligence-gathering operations, an actuality that has become increasingly apparent over time. In recent years, the IDF, the Mossad, and the Shin Bet began to recognize movement in gathering overtures.  Hamas' central intelligence body is called the "Internal Security Force" (ISF), according to Israel Defense. Prior to the October massacre, it numbered 2,100 operatives and was equipped and trained by , Israel Hayom reported. Israeli departments followed ISF closely and believed that they knew its capabilities, and recently, several countermeasures were taken to damage and weaken ISF, Israel Hayom reported. Additionally, in the first days of the war, one of the more prominent figures in ISF, Ayman Nofal, was eliminated. However, only after the and managed to enter ISF's underground offices and server rooms was the true magnitude of Hamas' intelligence prowess revealed. This revelation left the IDF's intelligence personnel at a loss for words. For example, the IDF's Military Intelligence Directorate knew for some time that ISF managed to break into some civilian security cameras in Israel and collect information through them. Only when the soldiers investigated MID's large underground server rooms did the IDF discover that dozens of cameras had been hacked, some of which were inside the surrounding kibbutzim. The army now admits that the camera issue was identified in advance but was not dealt with appropriately. Another area in which Israel has underestimated Hamas was in cyber. The IDF has been aware of ISF attempts to hack soldiers' cell phones for a while. Even so, only by entering Gaza and conducting a hands-on investigation did the IDF discover that their assumptions were only the tip of the iceberg of Hamas' cyber operation.A drone is launched during a large-scale drone combat exercise of Army of the Islamic Republic of Iran, in Semnan, Iran January 4, 2021. Picture taken January 4, 2021 (credit: IRANIAN ARMY/WANA/REUTERS) The IDF acknowledges now that some Hamas infiltration attempts were not detected. Despite the organization's relatively limited cyber capabilities, the intelligence it retrieved from phones it did manage to break into served it well on October 7. Furthermore, Hamas has managed to develop observational capabilities that included drones, which hovered over the Gaza Strip and were able to take photos of Israel's territory. In this case, too, Israel knew and allowed Hamas to continue. According to experts who spoke with Israel Hayom, the Israeli intelligence community underestimated Hamas' intelligence capabilities and neglected to handle them appropriately. "The perception in Israel was that Hamas does not have serious intelligence agencies and that at most they can 'pick up binoculars' and observe from afar, and that terrorist organizations are not Russia or China," claims Dr. Nathaniel Palmer, a senior lecturer in the Middle East Studies department at Bar-Ilan University. "This is a very big mistake. Hamas has high-quality intelligence agencies, but the meaning of the intelligence threat was not sufficiently assimilated into Israel's security systems. October 7, put these things on the table." Hamas used a variety of techniques to collect intelligence before October 7 in addition to its cyber capabilities and its use of drones. It also fired rockets in specific quantities to determine the Iron Dome system's capabilities in dealing with incoming projectiles or conducting incursion operations near the border to gauge the response times of the IDF and similar activities, according to Israel Defense.  It also used Gazan workers who crossed the Israeli border as a means to collect intelligence. Israel Defense also reported that operating Arab-Israelis and Bedouins collected information about IDF bases, access routes, and unit deployments. ...قراءة المزيد

الكلمات المفتاحية المذكورة في المقال:

2024-03-09

Tania Hammer admits that becoming a tour guide to the South was the farthest thing from her mind when Story, her retail shop at the King David Hotel, closed its doors in June 2023. In the aftermath of , Hammer set up an organization called Packages of Love and turned her apartment on Jerusalem’s Hanoch Albeck Street into a hamal (war room) where, under her supervision, volunteers packaged toiletries and supplies for soldiers. While volunteering for Packages of Love, a woman invited Hammer to join a one-day trip led by . The Jerusalem-based international rescue unit operates a specially trained team of volunteer paramedics and professionals who had been recovering bodies almost round the clock since Oct. 7. Hammer joined the trip, which shepherded tourists from New York’s Five Towns to the , providing them with the opportunity to see the results of the atrocities inflicted upon Israeli civilians on Oct. 7. “What we witnessed at these kibbutzim transcends mere hatred; it goes beyond any semblance of humanity. It was perpetrated by individuals devoid of any shred of soul,” Hammer told the Magazine. TANIA HAMMER (L) offered the use of her Jerusalem garden to a pineapple farmer from Moshav Bnei Netzarim in the Gaza envelope, where her friend Ruth and other locals bought pineapples. (credit: Courtesy Tania Hammer) On Kibbutz Be’eri, a small pink slipper sighted among the remains of a home reduced to ashes etched an enduring impression on her psyche. Motivated by a profound sense of duty, she returned to Jerusalem with an unwavering commitment to sharing the same transformative journey with as many people as possible. In partnership with ZAKA, Hammer created the Vehi She’amda tour, taking the name from the passage in the Passover Haggadah that tells the story of the Jewish people and their survival. The tour itinerary covers stops at kibbutzim in the Gaza border area to bear witness to the atrocities; morale-boosting visits to soldiers entering and leaving the Gaza Strip at a field army base; stops at the Supernova festival massacre memorial site in Re’im; and at the car graveyard outside Kibbutz Tekumah. “Taking people down to the Gaza envelope is such an enriching experience because they get to see the side of humanity they otherwise wouldn’t see. To see [the results of] such hatred but balance them out with meeting the soldiers is so uplifting,” she said. Hammer had quietly shared details of her first day trip to the Gaza border area with a small group of friends and volunteers on a WhatsApp group. News of her tour went viral, with more than 100 English speakers joining the group overnight to grab the limited spots available on the next tour. These are booked on a first-come-first-serve basis, and tours fill up quickly; registration is completed via a form on the ZAKA website. ON A recent trip to the South, I joined a group of English speakers that included tourists from the United States and Canada, as well as olim (immigrants) who live in Jerusalem and Modi’in and other areas of the country with Anglo enclaves. We boarded VIP vans and headed toward the war. Passing an army checkpoint, the vans rolled through the heavy yellow gates of the entrance to Kibbutz Kfar Aza. At first glance, many of the homes appeared untouched, until the first house that had been reduced to rubble came into view. Situated amid the bucolic backdrop of citrus and cedar trees, the burnt-out shell of a two-story home was a shock to behold. The vans continued down the road for a few minutes toward the back of the kibbutz, where they stopped inches from the rear gate. ZAKA volunteers attired in gowns and booties emerged from a truck just as the group disembarked and gathered at the spot the terrorists had breached on Oct. 7. Black smoke billowed across the short distance from the Gaza Strip as military drones hummed overhead. The unmistakable symphony of attack helicopters blended into the surreal soundtrack that marked the beginning of the tour. The group walked toward the rows of small houses to meet up with their tour guide, Simcha Greinman, a deputy commander in ZAKA and one of the organization’s most recognizable faces since the massacre. He gave testimony at a December 4, 2023, United Nations session dedicated to exposing the sexual violence committed on Oct. 7. Greinman has since been quoted extensively in media outlets across the globe. He led the group through the horrific events of Oct. 7 as they walked past and through the remains of what had been the homes of young adults on Kibbutz Kfar Aza. Posters of smiling young faces above texts in Hebrew and English plaster the remains of multiple homes with spray-painted markings on their walls. The stuffing from ripped mattresses, shards of broken glass, shreds of torn clothing, and pieces of broken pottery are strewn across the courtyard. Greinman explained the meanings of markings on the door frames and walls. Red circles with a dot mean that bodies had been found inside. Triangles with the letter “C” mean that the houses were clear. The group was instructed not to take photos or videos inside many of the houses on the kibbutz. However, we were allowed to document the home of Sivan Elkabets and her boyfriend, Naor Hasidim, whose parents created a memorial to the brutally murdered young couple. In the bedroom/safe room where the couple had tried to hide, a video playing on a loop illustrated what their home looked like immediately after Oct. 7. With gunshots and bombs exploding in the distance, we were unsure whether we were hearing the sounds of war in the moment or from footage filmed weeks earlier. Photos of the couple in happier times hung across bullet-riddled walls, along with an enlarged printout of the last WhatsApp messages shared between the couple and their loved ones. At the entrance to the destroyed kitchen, a book lay open, inviting visitors to write notes of strength and prayer for the surviving family members. ONE OF the smaller houses with significant signs of damage was the home of Nitzan Libstein, 19, murdered on Oct. 7. Before guiding the group through the remains of his home, Greinman shared the series of events that led to Nitzan’s murder. A Jerusalem resident on the tour asked Greinman how he knew the exact sequence of events that led to Nitzan’s horrific death. “GoPros,” Greinman responded. “The terrorists filmed it all.” The group spent a couple of hours touring that decimated area of the kibbutz, with the breadth of destruction overwhelming many of the participants. After the scenes witnessed at Kibbutz Kfar Aza, the group unanimously voted to move on to the next stop on the tour. THE ARMY field base is a large, unpaved area that serves as the access point where IDF soldiers and supplies enter and leave the Gaza Strip. As the group gathered eagerly to greet the soldiers, the somber mood lifted. The number of soldiers arriving swelled as vehicle after vehicle left the Strip to cheers from the group, who approached the truck windows with treats, also throwing candy, protein bars, and even beef jerky into the backs of the vehicles. After an hour spent boosting soldier morale, the group boarded buses heading to the third stop of the tour, the memorial to the victims of the Supernova massacre at the festival campsite. On the road to the memorial near Kibbutz Re’im, one person pointed out the roadside bomb shelter where Jerusalem’s Hersh Goldberg-Polin was kidnapped and where Aner Shapiro heroically fielded seven hand grenades before being killed. The group soon realized that the road they were traveling was the main artery out of the Supernova party, Route 232, the road that hundreds of terrorists had flanked, ambushing and killing scores of innocent people on that terrible day. Blow-ups of countless young faces sit atop poles in the field, forming a maze. Once animated in dance, the crowd now stands frozen. Among them, 367 souls are commemorated, alongside images of 40 festival-goers abducted into Gaza. The frozen maze has no clear beginning or end, and navigating it presents visitors with a challenge to honor each victim. Many members of the tour ventured out into the empty fields and through the trees to experience a deeper understanding of the festival-goers’ vulnerability, with nowhere to run or hide from the relentless pursuit of thousands of terrorists. The group arrived at the car graveyard outside Kibbutz Tekumah at sunset, where more than 3,000 vehicles in various states of destruction stand. ZAKA has been working with the Israeli Chief Rabbinate to determine what to do with these remains, since so many of the cars contain the ashes of victims that have been impossible to collect and yet need to be disposed of in a dignified manner. At the entrance to the car graveyard, hundreds of scorched vehicles are stacked; twisted metal pieces making it barely possible to distinguish one car from another. The husk of a burnt Hatzalah ambulance, hood up to reveal the remains of its engine, rests indefinitely behind police tape. Two police officers guard the area as visitors arrive in a couple of cars and stop to take photos and videos and absorb the magnitude of the destruction. Overhead, two attack helicopters hovered before one shot a missile toward the Gaza Strip, the boom causing multiple members of the group to jump. The tour was over. “WE’RE SUPPOSED to remember the exodus from Egypt every day, but it’s a memory ingrained in our DNA,” said Hammer. Yet “For the people embarking on this tour and then encountering these stories in the Haggadah, the significance becomes palpable. It’s not just a historical event; it happened to our brothers and sisters. Hakadosh Baruch Hu matzileynu meyadam, ‘God save us from enemy hands,’ is evident in these brave soldiers risking their lives,” she said. “While we acknowledge that not everyone may be saved, we know that God will save us collectively as a nation.”  ...قراءة المزيد

الكلمات المفتاحية المذكورة في المقال:

2024-03-02

The Peres Center for Peace and Innovation awarded the Medal of Distinction to heroines of in recognition of their “extraordinary courage and resilience” on Wednesday in a ceremony for International Women’s Day.  The winners of the awards included Yardenah Arazi, Ilana Dayan, Noa Tishby, Batya Ofer, Lorina Khatib Kizel, Dr. Kokhav Elka'im Levi, Nurses for Peace, Esnat Peri, Dr. Efrat Baron Harlev, and Inbal Shevach Sharvit, among others.  The award ceremony featured a performance by Michal, sister of Sergeant (res.) Shaul Greenlik, who in Gaza, accompanied by Israeli artist, Yardenah Arazi's performance of her song "Home," which has become an anthem of resilience and strength during the war. Several of the award recipients spoke at the event. Osnat Perry, a resident of Kibbutz Nir Oz, who led the construction of a rehabilitation and recovery plan for , said, “These days we, the bruised and grieving people of Nir Oz, are trying to recover and see a future. But this will not be able to happen before all the hostages return home. If you meet or hear about people from Nir Oz today, know that each and every one of them is a story of heroism, courage and resourcefulness, who managed to survive the inferno and, in many cases, also save others. Therefore, as far as I'm concerned, the knighthood I received today belongs to all the people of my community, the Nir Oz community, the brave and dear ones”. Ilana Dayan is a journalist who has told the stories of Israelis in this war, including the heroes, hostages, residents of border communities, and the soldiers, as well as investigative articles on the failures that led to the disaster. She expressed hope for the future of the country and called for more unity between the people who make the country better.  Tank commanders, including Hagar, Hila, Tal, Sarah, Michal, Karni, Ophir, and Tamar. (credit: PERES CENTER FOR PEACE AND INNOVATION) Sgt. Reshit spoke on behalf of the tank commanders who were recipients of an award. They fought in the battle of Reim on October 7, during which they killed dozens of terrorists threatening nearby kibbutzim. She said, “We woke up to voices calling for help, and the company's answer came immediately, when we didn't know what we would meet. It is an honor for me to stand here with our female warriors and receive the award… From time immemorial, all we wanted was to protect the people of Israel, and we will continue to do so”. Dr. Kochav Elkaim-Levy specializes in international law, gender, and human rights defense. She leads the Civil Ombudsman for Gender Crimes committed by Hamas against women, men, and children on October 7. She said at the event, “October 7th is not over yet, certainly not for those who are documenting what happened. Little by little I realized that this is our mission, and dealing with the unimaginable denial is complex, but it is a privilege to give a voice to the victims and to those whose voices are silenced. It is a mission that requires courage, and I am proud of those around me. I want to say to the victims - we are with you and know and believe you, and to all those whose voices are silent - we will not be silent. We are here to continue the fight and we will not give up on the future that is intertwined with pain and hope”. Among the recipients who did not speak are those who provided significant service to the state of Israel through hasbara and Israel advocacy, including Noa Tishby, Lilach Logan, Ella Keinan, and Lorena Khateeb-Kizel, a Druze woman, who provides educational activities in the Arab world. Additionally, Brigadier General Shifra Buchris was awarded, who, with her team, traveled back and forth from the Reim party to the evacuation point for 12 hours without being called. They saved those who faced death and evacuated severely wounded individuals, all while risking their lives, facing immense danger.  Another Brigadier General who was awarded was Shoshana Mali, a veteran police officer in Sderot, who defended the town in combat with terrorists on the morning of October 7, until the moment of evacuation, in order to save as many lives as possible.  Professor Karin Nahon established and led the Missing and Captive Unit in the Civilian Homefront Command volunteer group, where she was responsible for dealing with families of those missing while mapping out the stories and details. The information she collected was passed to government officials after the first month.  Dr. Hagar Mizrahi is head of the medical division and chairman of the medical committee which assesses the condition of the hostages.  Sisters in Arms treat the wounded, help in locating the missing, provide food for soldiers, and equipment for the evacuees, and help farms that do not have enough workers. . Dr. Efrat Baron-Harlev is the director of the Schneider Children's Medical Center, where mothers and children released from Hamas captivity were admitted.  Attorneys Hanan Alsana and Shir Nosetsky formed a Jewish-Arab support network in Rahat, which will assist Jewish and Arab families from the South who have been affected by October 7. The network was established in collaboration with several other organizations in Rahat.  Inbal Shevach Sharvit established 'Inbal's Home Front Command', which ensured and continues to ensure food and equipment for soldiers and evacuees to this day.  Dr. Yaffa Nahumi established a central Haredi charity that assists the Israeli military front, both in food and supplies donations and in the operation of a system assisting families in escorts and in mourning. In addition, Nahumi established a team dealing with procurement and movement of equipment for soldiers.  Since October 7, Sharit Weisengrin has begun managing the resilience center in Eilat.  A former hostage, Maya Regev also spoke at the ceremony, and said, “I was so moved by the women who came today. I want to say in the same breath that the real knights and knights are the ones who are sitting in these moments in captivity, waiting to be rescued.” ...قراءة المزيد

الكلمات المفتاحية المذكورة في المقال:

2024-02-26

The reactions of my family and friends to last Sunday were almost universally a variation of “You went from one war to another?” I had returned to The Jerusalem Post four days before; three weeks before that, I was in the middle of Gaza. After 120 days in military reserves, it had been difficult to acclimatize to civilian life. I still was in the mindset of an infantryman; and walking around without my uniform, in civilian clothes, made me feel like an impostor. Without my rifles, a part of me was missing, and instead of those burdens I felt guilty for having been released when the war is still ongoing, when there are still soldiers fighting, and hostages are still in Hamas captivity. The truth is, in some measure I felt more at ease in Ukraine than back at the Post’s office in Jerusalem. During my week in the beleaguered country, I was reminded of the Gaza periphery towns. Part of it was the stale tension and background radiation of a general threat, part of it were the signs and symbols of a nation at war. Being close to the action, to have the sirens rouse my tinnitus again, eased the weight of guilt ever so slightly. Like in Israel, the display of patriotism is everywhere, but it is even more exaggerated in Ukraine. Israeli flags were replaced with Ukrainian flags, fluttering on every lamppost, every car, every building. Just like many buildings in Israel display the colors of blue and white, it seemed that everything in Ukraine that could be painted blue and yellow invariably was. A Russian military vehicle drives past residential buildings damaged in the course of Russia-Ukraine conflict in the town of Avdiivka in the Donetsk Region, Russian-controlled Ukraine, in this image taken from video released February 20, 2024 (credit: RUSSIAN DEFENSE MINISTRY/HANDOUT VIA REUTERS) But no amount of colorful paint could hide the depressing sight of boarded-up shops, shattered windows, and hollowed-out homes. Some buildings that were destroyed almost two years ago still stand in ruins. It makes me fear that the scars I witnessed in kibbutzim like , the collapsed and burned-out buildings, would be slow to be bandaged up. Propaganda is also everywhere. In Israel, it takes the form of statements like “Together we will win” or posters of hostages and calls to “Bring them home.” In Ukraine, there is a bit more flair for the dramatic: action-movie posters of Ukrainian service people, some of them facing down zombies or orcs in Russian uniforms. Commercials for the on the train showed a fast-paced showdown. There are recruitment advertisements everywhere.  In contrast to Israel, where there is no lack of volunteers, manpower has become an issue in Ukraine. Every Ukrainian I spoke to said that just about everyone who can volunteer has; their concern seems to be more about having troops than the supply of weapons that occupies their allies in the Western halls of power. In Israel, we have the luxury of cycling out soldiers, of releasing reservists like me for a few months. For those on the Russian front, there is no such degree of respite, according to locals. Soldiers could be seen everywhere in Ukraine, mostly on leave to visit home, similar to Israel. Like in the South, there are checkpoints dotting the roads closer to the border. Ukrainian civilians have fled from many of the areas closer to Russia or the front. It is difficult to think of them this way, but like Ukraine we also have internally displaced people, forced out of their homes near Gaza and the Lebanese border, trying to pick up their lives in alien cities, hoping to return home one day. For the Ukrainians, this horizon seems farther off.  As my battalion entered Gaza in December, though fighting was difficult, there was no doubt that we were in control of the situation and could win, if international politics allows. The Ukrainians I spoke to seemed less concerned about diplomacy. Israel faces challenges from Hamas and Hezbollah that could cause cracks in the country’s foundation, since its citizens don’t feel safe to return to the North and South. But in Ukraine, there is a real existential threat, like a war of independence. A sense of exhaustion pervades in Ukraine. While “uncertainty” was the operative word for the Israel-Hamas war, as it is in every war, it is felt more profoundly in Ukraine. Many expressed that they didn’t know what the future held for them, and for now all they could do was maintain their present as best they could.  They have settled into a routine that is frequently interrupted by air raid sirens. In places like Odesa and Poltava, the air raid sirens are quieter than those in Israel, and more than often ignored. Their alert systems raise the alarm across whole oblasts, while Israel’s is accurate to neighborhoods. People must return to routine; it is impossible to remain in a state of crisis for a long period. So while it may seem odd that people in Kyiv and Tel Aviv sit in coffee shops and bars, they must. As the brave reservist Ari Zenilman once said, this is part of the life that soldiers fight to protect. ...قراءة المزيد

الكلمات المفتاحية المذكورة في المقال:

2024-02-23

Did you know that the lauded kibbutzim in Israel have no legal property or housing rights, almost like vassals under feudalism?  Many of the victims of the were members of the communal villages (kibbutzim) located close to the Israel-Gaza border fence. A fact largely unknown by the public, even in Israel, is that both the land and the housing are owned by the state, and property rights are in many ways worse than under feudal landlords.  How Israel's kibbutzim live under feudalismYou may have thought that the kibbutz, as a collective, owns the land, which would be managed according to the collective will of its members. This, too, is inaccurate. The kibbutz owns not a centimeter of land – not the housing or the agriculture or the industry. This means that when the family assets of the massacred are assessed, they are likely to be minimal. No real property value to bequeath to the surviving family members or to the kibbutz association. This is the situation after three generations of self-sacrifice of living in an initially remote area of pre-state Israel and under prolonged and extreme security threats that varied from period to period. The absence of either collective or private real-property rights holds for all the kibbutzim across Israel – some of them with seven and eight generations of history since the founding members. Each and every kibbutz has periodically faced security threats during pre-state and state years. After the establishment of the state, some kibbutzim volunteered to set up in the most difficult climatic areas in the southern desert and along the Jordan Valley. Despite the physical hardships, the kibbutzim have been conducting globally exemplary farming productivity, creating innovative industries, services and technologies, and contributing to regional and national public good well beyond their 2% representation in the population. A VISITOR walks through the ruins of Kibbutz Kfar Aza. (credit: ANDREA SAMUELS)Under the canopy of state land ownership, the Israel Lands Authority (ILA) also acts as a regulatory agency, over and above the regular state regulators (land-use planning, taxation). The ILA continues to invent a variety of rules that intervene with the day-to-day lives at both the kibbutz and individual levels. The facts of the onerous rules that the state imposes on the lives of these exemplary communities have never been part of public discourse. The idealistic nature of the kibbutz members, their perpetual sense of public service, alongside their no-complaints legacy, have allowed the state to retain the antiquated notion of state-owned land, long after the state gradually privatized urban housing over the years. State land ownership in the communal villages is one of the last vestiges of the centralist and quasi-socialist institutions that characterized Israel’s early years. These have been removed from almost every walk of life except the controls over the communal villages’ lives. There is also an ugly side to the perseverance of the state land-ownership anomaly. Given the above facts, it’s hard to believe that kibbutzim and their members, everywhere in the country, have in recent decades become targets for political incitement under the myth that they are a “privileged rich elite” class. With no real estate assets, the facts are, of course, the opposite. Apparently, it is easy to generate jealousy-driven disinformation against a minority. What the rest of the population see is the well-managed green villages with excellent self-supplied education and cultural services. Community cohesion has also succeeded over decades in producing housing that is modest but egalitarian. No researchers before us have ever addressed the land policy imposed on the kibbutzim. Our socio-legal-empirical research seeks to lift the veil from the archaic and unjust state land policy which has become entrenched and blind to the outside world. With the use of a variety of theories and methods drawn from law, economics, sociology, and public policy, the Neaman Institute of National Policy Research at the Technion has launched groundbreaking research to reassess the axiom that the state should continue to own the land where the kibbutz members reside and work.■Rachelle Alterman is a Technion professor (emerita) of urban planning and law and a senior researcher at the Samuel Neaman Institute for National Policy Research. She is a member of the Israel National Academy of Sciences and founding president of the International Academic Association on Planning, Law, and Property Rights. The research team includes Dr. Micha Drori; Adv. Efrat Aviram Vas; Dr. Avi Shneider; and Dr. Guy Kagan. For further details or interest in participating in this project, contact: [email protected] You may have thought that the kibbutz, as a collective, owns the land, which would be managed according to the collective will of its members. This, too, is inaccurate. The kibbutz owns not a centimeter of land – not the housing or the agriculture or the industry. This means that when the family assets of the massacred are assessed, they are likely to be minimal. No real property value to bequeath to the surviving family members or to the kibbutz association. This is the situation after three generations of self-sacrifice of living in an initially remote area of pre-state Israel and under prolonged and extreme security threats that varied from period to period.  The absence of either collective or private real-property rights holds for all the kibbutzim across Israel – some of them with seven and eight generations of history since the founding members. Each and every kibbutz has periodically faced security threats during pre-state and state years. After the establishment of the state, some kibbutzim volunteered to set up in the most difficult climatic areas in the southern desert and along the Jordan Valley. Despite the physical hardships, the kibbutzim have been conducting globally exemplary farming productivity, creating innovative industries, services and technologies, and contributing to regional and national public good well beyond their 2% representation in the population. A VISITOR walks through the ruins of Kibbutz Kfar Aza. (credit: ANDREA SAMUELS) Under the canopy of state land ownership, the Israel Lands Authority (ILA) also acts as a regulatory agency, over and above the regular state regulators (land-use planning, taxation). The ILA continues to invent a variety of rules that intervene with the day-to-day lives at both the kibbutz and individual levels. The facts of the onerous rules that the state imposes on the lives of these exemplary communities have never been part of public discourse. The idealistic nature of the kibbutz members, their perpetual sense of public service, alongside their no-complaints legacy, have allowed the state to retain the antiquated notion of state-owned land, long after the state gradually privatized urban housing over the years. State land ownership in the communal villages is one of the last vestiges of the centralist and quasi-socialist institutions that characterized Israel’s early years. These have been removed from almost every walk of life except the controls over the communal villages’ lives.  There is also an ugly side to the perseverance of the state land-ownership anomaly. Given the above facts, it’s hard to believe that kibbutzim and their members, everywhere in the country, have in recent decades become targets for political incitement under the myth that they are a “privileged rich elite” class.  With no real estate assets, the facts are, of course, the opposite. Apparently, it is easy to generate jealousy-driven disinformation against a minority. What the rest of the population see is the well-managed green villages with excellent self-supplied education and cultural services. Community cohesion has also succeeded over decades in producing housing that is modest but egalitarian.  No researchers before us have ever addressed the land policy imposed on the kibbutzim. Our socio-legal-empirical research seeks to lift the veil from the archaic and unjust state land policy which has become entrenched and blind to the outside world. With the use of a variety of theories and methods drawn from law, economics, sociology, and public policy, the Neaman Institute of National Policy Research at the Technion has launched groundbreaking research to reassess the axiom that the state should continue to own the land where the kibbutz members reside and work.■Rachelle Alterman is a Technion professor (emerita) of urban planning and law and a senior researcher at the Samuel Neaman Institute for National Policy Research. She is a member of the Israel National Academy of Sciences and founding president of the International Academic Association on Planning, Law, and Property Rights. The research team includes Dr. Micha Drori; Adv. Efrat Aviram Vas; Dr. Avi Shneider; and Dr. Guy Kagan. For further details or interest in participating in this project, contact: [email protected] ...قراءة المزيد

الكلمات المفتاحية المذكورة في المقال:

2024-02-22

Israel will for its local authorities on Tuesday, February 27. The following is a number of facts and information, based on a document put out by the Knesset's Research Division this week. There are three types of local authorities in Israel: Municipalities, which run cities; local councils, which run townships that are not cities; and regional councils, which run a number of small towns, such as kibbutzim, in a certain region. The term "local authorities" is more general and relates to all three types. The election was first scheduled for October 31. However, following the outbreak of the Hamas massacre on and ensuing war, the election was postponed until January 30, and then once again, to February 27. There are 259 local authorities in Israel in total. Out of these, two are industrial parks that do not include citizens; 77 are municipalities; 126 are local councils; and 54 are regional councils. 164 local authorities are Jewish, 85 are Arab, and eight are mixed.VOTES ARE counted at a tent in the Central Elections Committee warehouse in Shoham last March. (credit: FLASH90) 14 local authorities on the border of Gaza and on Israel's northern border, whose resident due to the war, will vote on November 19. Each local authority has one chief executive (mayor, local council head, or regional council head). It also has a council, which serves as the local legislature and also receives executive duties. The size of councils varies from 9 to 31 in cities, and 5 to 21 in local authorities, depending on the size of population. The size of regional authority councils differs based on the number of small towns in the region. The chief executive is a member of the council. Jerusalem, for example, has the maximum 31 council members. 30 of them are representatives of parties, and the 31st is the elected mayor. The vote includes two ballots, one yellow and one white. The yellow ballots include candidates for the chief executives, and the white ballots include parties running for the councils. The allotment of seats on the council to parties is similar to Israel's national election. The chief executive must receive at least 40% of the votes in the authority in order to win. If no candidate reaches 40%, the candidate with the top two percentages go head-to-head in another vote two weeks after the first. However, this year, second rounds will be held on Sunday, March 10, instead of on March 12, due to the Ramadan holiday. Like on the day of the national election, the day of local authority elections is a national holiday and work places are closed. However, the day of second-round elections is not a holiday, and workplaces remain open. Regional councils include a third, blue ballot, for the committee of the voters' small towns, who in turn elect that towns' representative in the regional council. Like in the national election, people with disabilities or serve in roles that do not enable them to vote in their local authority, can vote elsewhere with double envelopes. In order to accommodate for the many soldiers serving in the war, the Knesset passed a law saying that the voting for soldiers can begin a week in advance. Soldiers already started voting on Tuesday, and ballot boxes were brought into Gaza for that purpose. There are 801 candidates in total for chief executive positions, out of which only 83 (slightly over 10%) are women. There are 24,910 total candidates for local authority councils, out of which 6,349 (approximately 25%) are women. ...قراءة المزيد

الكلمات المفتاحية المذكورة في المقال:

2024-02-21

(Warning: This story describes deeply disturbing events and testimonials in graphic detail.) A report analyzing numerous testimonies from the specifically relating to Hamas’s sexual violence revealed that families and friends were forced by Hamas terrorists to watch their loved ones be raped and sexually assaulted at gunpoint. The report, presented by the Association of Rape Crisis Centers in Israel, analyzes confidential and public testimonies, eye-witness accounts, and interviews with victims, first responders and witnesses. It was sent to “decision-makers” in the United Nations to leave “no room for denial or disregard. “The terrorist organization Hamas chose to harm Israel strategically in two clear ways – kidnapping citizens and committing,” said ARCCI CEO Orit Sulitzeanu. “Silence will be remembered as a historical stain on those who chose to remain silent and deny the sexual crimes committed by Hamas.” The report revealed that Hamas terrorists threatened victims, often injured women, with weapons in order to rape them violently, often collectively with collaboration between multiple terrorists. Partners, family, and friends were forced to watch to “increase the pain and humiliation for all present.”Families of Israelis held hostage by Hamas terrorists in Gaza hold a press conference at ''Hostage Square'', in Tel Aviv, January 7, 2024 (credit: AVSHALOM SASSONI/FLASH90) Most of those sexually assaulted by Hamas terrorists were killed afterward, and some even during the act of rape. Others still were found dead later, their genitals mutilated beyond recognition or penetrated with weapons. The report highlighted that it cannot provide the full numerical measure of the extent of Hamas’s sexual violence, “most of which resulted in the victims' deaths, making their full extent unknown and possibly unknowable.” The sexual assaults occurred in four main locations: , in kibbutzim, on IDF bases, and in captivity. Severe sexual assaults were reported on multiple occasions by eye-witnesses and first responders in the Nova Festival, including group rapes. On kibbutzim, women and girls alike were brutally assaulted, including at least one case of a knife being hidden in the genital organ of one such victim. Soldiers on IDF bases were victims of sexual violence, as well, their bodies clearly indicated. Hostages who have returned from Gaza have revealed grotesque sexual violence towards the hostages, as well. “As the scars in our hearts refuse to heal, and the souls of our sisters and brothers cry out to us from the depths of the earth, a significant portion of those we considered partners responded in silence and denial of these horrors,” the report’s authors, Dr. Carmit Klar-Chalamish and Noga Berger, wrote. “We call on you to raise your voices and not allow the cries of these victims to fade away.” ...قراءة المزيد

الكلمات المفتاحية المذكورة في المقال:

2024-02-20

As hundreds of Hamas terrorists crossed the border on the morning of October 7 to carry out massacres across the kibbutzim and communities of the South, one of the more shocking plans of 'Operation Al-Aqsa Flood' did not come to fruition.  The terror group that runs Gaza had an ambitious plan on October 7 to storm Ashkelon Central Prison (Shikma Prison) and , Arabic international newspaper Asharq Al-Awsat revealed on Monday. The plan failed due to a technical mistake that led the group of terrorists to attack another settlement instead of the prison.    Sources close to Palestinian terror organizations who spoke with the newspaper reported that one of the first groups of the Nukhba's terrorists who infiltrated Israeli territory had a mission to reach Ashkelon Prison and release the hundreds of detained Palestinians there. Sources close to the command of Hamas's military wing, the Izz ad-Din al-Qassam Brigades, claimed that one of , consisting of 23 terrorists, was supposed to arrive at the prison to release the prisoners, while another group's mission was to infiltrate a military base in the Ashkleon area before moving on to assists those already at the prison. Hamas terrorists who were caught during the October 7 massacre and during the IDF operation in the Gaza Strip, seen at a courtyard in a prison in southern Israel, February 14, 2024 (credit: Chaim Goldberg/Flash90) According to the report, the designated group set out towards Ashkelon, crossed the border, and reached Kibbutz Yad Mordechai, where it clashed with Israeli security forces. Israeli defenders managed to repel the attack. The terrorists then deviated from the original plan as they then returned south to the moshav of Netiv HaAsara.The Hamas terrorists successfully infiltrated Netiv HaAsara, killing 22 people.  According to the report, the mistake was the result of the designated guide in charge of GPS and maps, who made a directional error leading the group southwards.  The plan reportedly relied on attacking the main gate of the prison using explosives and anti-tank missiles to blow up the gate and security positions along the prison fence, alongside rocket fire from Gaza towards the prison, with a signal from the group that it was there. The plan also relied upon the cooperation of the prisoners to rise up and riot, which would assist the group.  However, Hamas's military wing command received no signal from the group that it had reached the prison, and it was later revealed that it had somehow headed east after Netiv HaAsara and reached the Israeli city of Sderot, where the group was instructed to wait. The plan of attack on the prison appears to have still been on the mind of Al-Qassam leaders, as four terrorists who participated in the storming of kibbutz Zikim - where 19 civilians and eight soldiers were killed - were instructed to continue to try and reach the prison but were repelled by Israeli security forces before being targeted by air strikes according to sources quoted in Asharq Al-Awsat. The newspaper also published a map showing the route of the mentioned group that was supposed to reach the prison in Ashkelon. Ashkelon Central Prison was founded during the British Mandate as a headquarters for the British Army stationed in the city. It holds about 1000 prisoners.  ...قراءة المزيد

الكلمات المفتاحية المذكورة في المقال:

2024-02-18

Four long and exhausting months have passed for the residents of Shlomi and Kiryat Shmona, who were evacuated from their homes at the start of the war to hotels across Israel. In addition to the crowded rooms, lack of privacy, and the inability to maintain a normal routine, they are now faced with an additional problem – mail isn't reaching them. Not to their abandoned homes and not to the places they were relocated to. In addition to the bills for electricity, water, and property tax that do not reach their destination and may accumulate interest due to late payment, critical medical documents or important bureaucratic documents aren't arriving. Sami Malul, the former mayor of who became head of the local council, reports that "residents of Kiryat Shmona and Shlomi have not received mail for four months." According to Malul, "There is no mail, no distribution of mail, and even the [app service] does not seem to be functioning. You do not receive license renewals, you are disconnected. They are not being processed. I asked what was happening with this, I even raised the issue with the communications minister. If you knew the foolish answers I received..."  "Even [app service] is not functioning. You provide the details – I'm staying at a hotel in Rosh Pina – and nothing. From time to time, when I come to town, there is a clerk at the Kiryat Shmona post office who pulls out a letter for me from the piles of mail and gives it to me informally. It's simply chaos.Israel Post. ''These days we are looking at a fair solution'' (credit: PR) "On the other hand, in kibbutzim, they have found independent solutions. Their mail is collected at a central location, a representative from the community comes, and distributes it to them." The Israel Post explained that the does not allow mail distribution in Kiryat Shmona, only permitting the operation of a protected branch that provides postal and banking services, except for letter distribution. The evacuees receive a "follow-up" service at no cost, and the has established an interface where the evacuees can update their temporary address, which is then directly transferred to all major post offices, insurance companies, media outlets, banks, etc. ...قراءة المزيد

الكلمات المفتاحية المذكورة في المقال: